For over a decade, the name Agnes Kariuki Kagure has circulated through Nairobi’s legal and land circles with a consistency that suggests something more organized than bad luck.
She prefers the polished shorthand “Agnes Kagure” for her political branding, but in the corridors of the Environment and Land Court, she is known for something else entirely: a decade-long battle to claim a six-acre estate in Karen that once belonged to Roger Bryan Robson, a British national who made Kenya his permanent home until his death on August 8, 2012.
What makes this case particularly striking is not just its duration more than thirteen years since Robson died but the methodical nature of the campaign that has unfolded against his estate.
Kagure maintains she purchased the Karen parcels from Robson in November 2011 for Sh100 million, making her the legitimate owner of land that, under her account, Robson simply forgot to mention in his will, to his brother, to his lawyer, or to anyone else in any documented form.
The estate has maintained from the outset that the signatures on her purported sale documents were not Robson’s.
David Michuki, the lawyer who represented Robson in his final years, was placed before the court with Kagure’s conveyance documents and asked to examine them.
He knew Robson’s signature intimately, having worked with him on separate rate disputes with the Nairobi City Council as recently as 2011. His testimony was blunt: the signatures did not resemble Robson’s genuine signature, and the photograph affixed to the document was not even of the man he knew.
A police forensic examiner, Chief Inspector Susan Wanjiru, told the court that signatures on the will appeared to come from different individuals.
The defence’s own expert, forensic document examiner Jacob Oduor, told the High Court in 2022 that he had examined Robson’s known signatures and found no evidence of forgery on the genuine will.
What the evidence could never quite accommodate was Kagure’s total inability to produce a payment trail. Sh100 million paid in 2011 to a British businessman in Kenya would have generated a bank transaction, a money transfer record, a stamp duty receipt, a valuation report, something. Courts heard no such evidence.
Robson’s estate never received or acknowledged any such payment. The Karen property remained encumbered by a bank charge during Robson’s lifetime, a fact the estate’s executor Guy Spencer Elms pointed out, which by itself would have made any outright cash transfer of title legally impossible without the bank’s express release.
While litigation was being prepared, Kagure was not content to wait for courts. Elms appeared before Justice Mary Gitumbi in 2015 and told the court what had happened at the Karen property.
Kagure, he said, had hired men who arrived at Ushirika Road accompanied by police officers. They ejected the estate’s caretaker.
Then construction of a perimeter wall began around the six-acre estate. Justice Gitumbi issued an injunction barring Kagure and her agents from laying claim to, encroaching upon, trespassing on, or otherwise dealing with the property. The wall went up anyway.When Elms subsequently visited the property, he found it fenced and manned by individuals who prevented him, the court-recognised personal representative of the estate, from entering land he was legally charged with protecting.
A subsequent ruling by Justice Lucy Njuguna went even further, making an observation that should have triggered institutional response but largely did not.
The judge found that police were actively aiding fraudsters in attempts to dispossess Elms of the land. Police escorting people conducting what a court would eventually find to be a fraudulent property seizure.
Officers of the law enabling exactly what the law prohibits. That explosive finding passed with minimal public accountability. Kagure faced no criminal charges for the physical invasion.
No police officer faced discipline for facilitating it.What happened at Ushirika Road follows a recognisable operational template that investigators and land lawyers privately describe as an organised acquisition playbook.
Vulnerable estates are identified through a network of informants that includes hospital workers, estate agents, court clerks, and registry insiders who can flag properties with probate delays, foreign ownership, or absent heirs.
A backdated sale agreement is drafted, typically predating the owner’s death by a year or two to avoid obvious impossibility.
The deceased’s signature is replicated using samples obtained from genuine documents held at the lands registry or in court files.
The title is transferred using the manufactured documents, and once a questionable title is on the register, it carries the presumption of legality that the Land Registration Act confers on registered titles.
The grabber moves in, typically using hired muscle with a veneer of legal authority from the questionable title. Police connections matter enormously here.
After years of failed frontal assaults, syndicate lawyers mine the estate’s procedural history for formal defects. Did the will get certified by every required authority?
Was the grant of probate stamped by the correct office? Were title deeds transmitted through every step of the succession process without a single procedural lapse?
In a complex probate spanning a decade, across multiple court divisions, with a cast of executors who come and go, the probability of finding at least one procedural gap approaches certainty.
That gap, however minor relative to the substance of the case, becomes the escape hatch.
That is precisely where the case now stands. At the hearing reported on May 27, 2026, Kagure’s lawyer Conrad Maloba drew from Elms an admission that neither Robson’s will nor the associated title deeds had been fully certified by the relevant authorities as Kenyan succession law demands.
Under the Law of Succession Act and the Land Registration Act, a will must be probated through the High Court with a formal grant, and titles passing through an estate require a chain of transmission documents, death certificates, and official endorsements before they are fully regularised in the lands register. If those steps were not completed to the letter, Maloba’s argument runs, the estate’s documents are fatally defective, potentially invalidating Elms’s standing entirely.
The argument is technically creative. Courts do take succession formalities seriously, and incomplete probate documentation can create genuine complications.
What Maloba is carefully not highlighting, however, is that the same technical scrutiny applied to Kagure’s own documents would obliterate her claim entirely.
She has produced no probated purchase agreement. She has produced no independently verified payment record. She has produced documents that forensic experts and two of Robson’s own advocates told courts do not bear his genuine signature.
Justice Hillary Chemitei, in a 33-page judgment delivered in June 2025, found no shred of evidence that Robson was coerced, that the will was properly executed and witnessed, and that Kagure’s claim had no factual foundation.
That judgment was supposed to end it. The Environment and Land Court was directed to handle the residual title questions. But the criminal proceedings against Elms, which Kagure’s original complaint set in motion in 2017, remain alive, and the certification argument is now being pressed in what appears to be a parallel track designed to either force a settlement or create enough procedural chaos to make the estate’s position untenable.
Guy Spencer Elms has spent nearly a decade as a criminal defendant for doing his job. In 2017, then-Director of Public Prosecutions Keriako Tobiko directed his arrest on charges that he had forged Robson’s will and power of attorney, fraudulently obtaining letters of administration over the estate.
The stated basis was forensic findings that purported signatures on the will were not genuine.
Elms denied all counts and was released on Sh400,000 cash bail. What followed was a procession of findings that systematically demolished the prosecution’s theory. By 2019, DCI investigators themselves found insufficient evidence to sustain the case and the criminal probe effectively collapsed. In November 2022,
Jacob Oduor testified that after examining Robson’s known signatures across multiple documents, he found no evidence of forgery on the will. In June 2025, Justice Chemitei’s comprehensive judgment upheld the will in every particular, stating it was lawfully executed, properly witnessed, and showed no sign of coercion or mental incapacity.
Logically, these findings should have triggered the DPP to drop the criminal charges. The DPP agreed. An application was filed in the Milimani magistrate’s court to withdraw the charges, informing Magistrate Ben Mark Ekubi that Justice Chemitei’s judgment had definitively validated the very will that was the subject of the prosecution.
Ekubi declined not once but twice. The DPP appealed to the High Court. In January 2026, Justice Martin Muya dismissed that appeal, ruling there was no good reason to interfere with Ekubi’s decision.
Kagure’s side had successfully argued that the criminal case should continue even though the civil court had fully validated what the criminal case alleged was a forgery. In August 2025, the absurdity intensified when Elms failed to appear for a court mention, his lawyer citing a sick child, and Magistrate Ekubi issued an arrest warrant.
The charges against Elms for possessing and submitting a document that a High Court has found to be genuine remain, technically, active.
He is living a wanted man’s existence for having been, courts have now found, a faithful executor of a legitimate will.The Karen operation is the grandest entry in Kagure’s property dispute portfolio, but it is far from the only one.
A picture assembled from court records spanning nearly a decade reveals a pattern that goes well beyond bad luck in property transactions.
The Makadara case is perhaps the most operationally brazen. Ruth Wambui Kimani, a widow, told the Environment and Land Court that her late husband Kimani Mungai had purchased a plot along Jogoo Road in Makadara in 1997 and the family remained in possession until 2015, when Kagure appeared claiming she had bought it for Sh10 million.
The transfer bearing Mungai’s signature was registered on October 7, 2015. The problem: Wambui produced a death certificate showing her husband died on October 26, 2010, nearly five years before the transfer. The land had been, on the face of the documents, sold by a corpse.
When the case came to court, something extraordinary happened. A man identifying himself as Francis Kimani Mungai appeared, very much alive, seeking to join the proceedings and confirming he had sold the land to Kagure on July 30, 2015, for Sh10 million.
Kagure’s side produced a living man to contradict the death certificate. Whether that man was the genuine Kimani Mungai or someone recruited to perform the role, the widow maintained her husband had died in 2010 and the transfer was impossible.
In April 2025, Judge Oguttu Mboya issued a permanent order stopping Kagure from entering, occupying, or claiming the Eastlands plot, ruling that the registration of the property in her favour was premised on illegal and unlawful documents and was therefore void.
Joel Munyoki Munene had a comparable experience when he sued Kagure over a Nairobi Eastlands plot valued at over Sh20 million. He had acquired the property in 2002 and obtained a formal allotment letter from Nairobi City County, but found when he went to formalise his title that Kagure had somehow registered it in her name through what Judge Mboya would later describe as illegal and unlawful documents.
Then there is the matter of the German investor. In late 2022, three months after losing the Nairobi gubernatorial election, Kagure was introduced to Uwe Heinz Odenthal, a German national, through a chain of connections involving his compatriot Jurgen Haese and Haese’s Kenyan wife Rose Kirimi.
The vehicle was Trojan Six Oil 2019 Ltd, a petroleum company in which Kagure is listed as a director. Odenthal says he was presented with annual dividends of 30 percent on his invested capital and handed over one million euros, approximately Sh142 million, after taking out a bank loan in Germany to fund part of it. He received nothing.
He filed a report with the DCI saying he had been cheated, stolen from, and defrauded. Kagure dismissed the allegation as politically motivated noise.Kagure first entered political consciousness in 2018, when Nairobi Governor Mike Sonko nominated her to replace the departed deputy governor Polycarp Igathe.
She was a leading candidate for confirmation. Then the Karen and Makadara cases became public. Sonko, who had made public theatre of his anti-land-grabbing stance, quietly shelved the nomination without ever formally withdrawing it. Kagure’s political ambitions survived intact. She ran for Nairobi governor as an independent candidate in August 2022, finishing fourth behind Johnson Sakaja, Polycarp Igathe, and Harman Grewal. She then pivoted immediately into preparation for 2027, declaring her candidacy through social media in early 2025 with the backing of a section of the Kikuyu Council of Elders.
Her public persona across this period has been carefully curated. She presents as a women’s empowerment advocate, a philanthropist, a mentor to the youth, a businesswoman who built herself from nothing.
Her social media is professionally managed. When allegations resurface, she frames them as politically motivated attacks by rivals threatened by her ambitions. “Ever since I hinted at my political ambitions, I have been seeing all sorts of attacks and stories that date back as far as 1901,” she wrote on social media in October 2024, after the German investor story broke. Every documented allegation becomes, in her telling, a fabrication by political enemies.
What that framing cannot explain is why the attacks come from judges, not politicians. Judges Oguttu Mboya, Hillary Chemitei, Mary Gitumbi, Maureen Odero, and Lucy Njuguna have all made findings, issued injunctions, or delivered rulings against Kagure across these various disputes.
None of these judicial officers is known to be aligned with any of her political rivals. Justice Njuguna’s finding that police were actively aiding fraudsters in the Karen case was not a political statement. It was a judicial observation on what the evidence before the court showed.
Back in the courtroom in May 2026, Conrad Maloba’s cross-examination of Elms was not a philosophical exercise. It was a calculated move in a long game.
By extracting Elms’s acknowledgment that the will and title deeds were not fully certified through every required authority, Maloba has created an argument that, if accepted, could do one of two things. It could void the estate’s standing entirely, theoretically opening the door for Kagure’s contested documents to be treated as the only surviving claim.
Or it could create enough uncertainty about the estate’s title that a settlement becomes attractive to Elms and the beneficiaries, particularly the charities and conservation bodies that have been waiting since 2012 for proceeds from Robson’s generosity.
What Maloba cannot explain away, and what the court will be required to weigh when the hearing resumes in October 2026, is the full context.
The certification shortfall, if it exists, is a procedural defect in documents that a High Court has already found to be substantively genuine. Justice Chemitei’s June 2025 ruling did not say the will might be genuine. It said there was no shred of evidence of coercion, that the will was properly executed and witnessed, and that it satisfied every legal test of validity.
Procedural cures exist for estates with technical registration gaps. Kenya’s courts have ample equitable jurisdiction to regularise probate processes where the underlying instrument is found to be genuine.
The court will also have to reckon with the underlying reality that Kagure’s own documents have never survived forensic scrutiny. No payment trail has ever been produced. Robson’s family swore under oath that no sale occurred. Two of Robson’s own advocates confirmed that the signatures on Kagure’s documents were not consistent with Robson’s genuine signature.
The property was under a bank charge at the time of the alleged sale, making a clean title transfer impossible. That is the substance that sits behind Maloba’s procedural argument, and it is deeply unflattering to his client
.If Kagure’s certification argument fails, she is left without a legal avenue on the Karen property. If it somehow succeeds, an extraordinary injustice will have been done: a man appointed executor of a genuine will, prosecuted for a forgery courts have found never occurred, subjected to a decade of litigation, will have watched the beneficiaries of Robson’s generosity lose because of a stamp not applied to documents every substantive finding has validated.
The certification argument, even if legally ambitious, exposes a systemic vulnerability extending far beyond this case. Kenya’s succession system is a labyrinth. The Law of Succession Act, the Land Registration Act, the Civil Procedure Act, and the various practice directions governing probate together create a process that, for complex cross-border estates, can generate decades of procedural irregularities through nothing more sinister than administrative delay, bureaucratic turnover, and institutional dysfunction.
A title that passes through a genuine estate but is not certified precisely as required at every step is not necessarily a fraudulent title. It is a common title with a fixable procedural gap.
The land grabbing syndicate’s genius is that it understands this systemic reality better than most legitimate executors. Predators do not need to prove they own the property. They only need to create enough doubt about whether the estate’s documents are perfect. In a system where perfection is rare, doubt is cheap.
Kagure’s lawyers have invested more than a decade manufacturing doubt. The question for October 2026 is whether any Kenyan court will reward that investment with a six-acre Karen estate that was willed to elephants, forests, schoolchildren, and a British nephew who has been waiting since 2012 to honour his late brother’s wishes.
Agnes Kagure will call whatever follows a politically motivated attack. She will write on social media that her enemies fear her. She will appear at women’s empowerment events and give speeches about resilience. But in the High Court in October 2026, the record will speak for itself. It will speak of a British man who made a clear, witnessed, legally executed will in 1997. Of an executor who has been prosecuted for implementing it. Of a businesswoman who has never produced a single document of purchase that survives forensic scrutiny.
Of police officers a judge found were aiding fraudsters. Of a dead man’s signature appearing on transfer documents long after his death in at least one of her other disputed acquisitions.
And of a Karen estate, six acres of Nairobi’s most valuable land bordering the Ngong Forest, that has not yet reached the charities and conservationists its owner intended it to benefit. That is not a politically motivated attack. That is a court record. And it is damning.
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